Laura Gwilliams

Laura Gwilliams, Graham Flick, Alec Marantz et al.

The "MEG-MASC" dataset provides a curated set of raw magnetoencephalography (MEG) recordings of 27 English speakers who listened to two hours of naturalistic stories. Each participant performed two identical sessions, involving listening to four fictional stories from the Manually Annotated Sub-Corpus (MASC) intermixed with random word lists and comprehension questions. We time-stamp the onset and offset of each word and phoneme in the metadata of the recording, and organize the dataset according to the 'Brain Imaging Data Structure' (BIDS). This data collection provides a suitable benchmark to large-scale encoding and decoding analyses of temporally-resolved brain responses to speech. We provide the Python code to replicate several validations analyses of the MEG evoked related fields such as the temporal decoding of phonetic features and word frequency. All code and MEG, audio and text data are publicly available to keep with best practices in transparent and reproducible research.

Nathan Roll, Jill Kries, Laura Gwilliams et al.

Aphasias, selective language impairments which can arise from brain damage, reveal the functional organization of human language by providing causal links between affected brain regions and specific symptom profiles. Drawing on this literature, we introduce an aphasia-inspired technique to characterize the emergent functional organization of language models (LMs). We ``lesion'' (zero-out) model parameters and measure the effects of this intervention against clinical aphasia symptoms, as diagnosed by the Text Aphasia Battery (TAB). When applied to 112,426 outputs from five 1B-scale LMs, the full range of evaluated symptoms surface, but in distributions largely distinct from those of humans. Our method uncovers broad symptom-profile differences between attention components (query, key, value, output) and feed-forward components (up, gate, down), with weaker evidence for differences among components within the same mechanism. We also find an effect of depth, where lesions in early layers disproportionately cause syntactic and semantic symptoms while late-middle layers yield higher rates of phonological and fluency deficits. Although some LM lesions induce quantitatively more similar profiles to some human aphasia types than others, qualitative differences in symptom patterns between LMs and humans suggest that aphasia syndromes are heavily influenced by the details of learning and processing rather than being a domain-invariant consequence of disrupted language processing.

Nathan Roll, Jill Kries, Flora Jin et al.

Large language models (LLMs) have emerged as a candidate "model organism" for human language, offering an unprecedented opportunity to study the computational basis of linguistic disorders like aphasia. However, traditional clinical assessments are ill-suited for LLMs, as they presuppose human-like pragmatic pressures and probe cognitive processes not inherent to artificial architectures. We introduce the Text Aphasia Battery (TAB), a text-only benchmark adapted from the Quick Aphasia Battery (QAB) to assess aphasic-like deficits in LLMs. The TAB comprises four subtests: Connected Text, Word Comprehension, Sentence Comprehension, and Repetition. This paper details the TAB's design, subtests, and scoring criteria. To facilitate large-scale use, we validate an automated evaluation protocol using Gemini 2.5 Flash, which achieves reliability comparable to expert human raters (prevalence-weighted Cohen's kappa = 0.255 for model--consensus agreement vs. 0.286 for human--human agreement). We release TAB as a clinically-grounded, scalable framework for analyzing language deficits in artificial systems.

Laura Gwilliams, David Poeppel, Alec Marantz et al.

Spoken word recognition involves at least two basic computations. First is matching acoustic input to phonological categories (e.g. /b/, /p/, /d/). Second is activating words consistent with those phonological categories. Here we test the hypothesis that the listener's probability distribution over lexical items is weighted by the outcome of both computations: uncertainty about phonological discretisation and the frequency of the selected word(s). To test this, we record neural responses in auditory cortex using magnetoencephalography, and model this activity as a function of the size and relative activation of lexical candidates. Our findings indicate that towards the beginning of a word, the processing system indeed weights lexical candidates by both phonological certainty and lexical frequency; however, later into the word, activation is weighted by frequency alone.