Richard Futrell

Thomas Hikaru Clark, Clara Meister, Tiago Pimentel et al. · cambridge

While natural languages differ widely in both canonical word order and word order flexibility, their word orders still follow shared cross-linguistic statistical patterns, often attributed to functional pressures. In the effort to identify these pressures, prior work has compared real and counterfactual word orders. Yet one functional pressure has been overlooked in such investigations: the uniform information density (UID) hypothesis, which holds that information should be spread evenly throughout an utterance. Here, we ask whether a pressure for UID may have influenced word order patterns cross-linguistically. To this end, we use computational models to test whether real orders lead to greater information uniformity than counterfactual orders. In our empirical study of 10 typologically diverse languages, we find that: (i) among SVO languages, real word orders consistently have greater uniformity than reverse word orders, and (ii) only linguistically implausible counterfactual orders consistently exceed the uniformity of real orders. These findings are compatible with a pressure for information uniformity in the development and usage of natural languages.

Isabel Papadimitriou, Richard Futrell, Kyle Mahowald

Because meaning can often be inferred from lexical semantics alone, word order is often a redundant cue in natural language. For example, the words chopped, chef, and onion are more likely used to convey "The chef chopped the onion," not "The onion chopped the chef." Recent work has shown large language models to be surprisingly word order invariant, but crucially has largely considered natural prototypical inputs, where compositional meaning mostly matches lexical expectations. To overcome this confound, we probe grammatical role representation in English BERT and GPT-2, on instances where lexical expectations are not sufficient, and word order knowledge is necessary for correct classification. Such non-prototypical instances are naturally occurring English sentences with inanimate subjects or animate objects, or sentences where we systematically swap the arguments to make sentences like "The onion chopped the chef". We find that, while early layer embeddings are largely lexical, word order is in fact crucial in defining the later-layer representations of words in semantically non-prototypical positions. Our experiments isolate the effect of word order on the contextualization process, and highlight how models use context in the uncommon, but critical, instances where it matters.

Jiaxuan Li, Richard Futrell

We advance an information-theoretic model of human language processing in the brain, in which incoming linguistic input is processed at two levels, in terms of a heuristic interpretation and in terms of error correction. We propose that these two kinds of information processing have distinct electroencephalographic signatures, corresponding to the well-documented N400 and P600 components of language-related event-related potentials (ERPs). Formally, we show that the information content (surprisal) of a word in context can be decomposed into two quantities: (A) heuristic surprise, which signals processing difficulty of word given its inferred context, and corresponds with the N400 signal; and (B) discrepancy signal, which reflects divergence between the true context and the inferred context, and corresponds to the P600 signal. Both of these quantities can be estimated using modern NLP techniques. We validate our theory by successfully simulating ERP patterns elicited by a variety of linguistic manipulations in previously-reported experimental data from Ryskin et al. (2021). Our theory is in principle compatible with traditional cognitive theories assuming a `good-enough' heuristic interpretation stage, but with precise information-theoretic formulation.

Nathaniel Imel, Richard Futrell, Michael Franke et al.

Natural languages have been argued to evolve under pressure to efficiently compress meanings into words by optimizing the Information Bottleneck (IB) complexity-accuracy tradeoff. However, the underlying social dynamics that could drive the optimization of a language's vocabulary towards efficiency remain largely unknown. In parallel, evolutionary game theory has been invoked to explain the emergence of language from rudimentary agent-level dynamics, but it has not yet been tested whether such an approach can lead to efficient compression in the IB sense. Here, we provide a unified model integrating evolutionary game theory with the IB framework and show how near-optimal compression can arise in a population through an independently motivated dynamic of imprecise strategy imitation in signaling games. We find that key parameters of the model -- namely, those that regulate precision in these games, as well as players' tendency to confuse similar states -- lead to constrained variation of the tradeoffs achieved by emergent vocabularies. Our results suggest that evolutionary game dynamics could potentially provide a mechanistic basis for the evolution of vocabularies with information-theoretically optimal and empirically attested properties.

Jiaxuan Li, Richard Futrell

The functional interpretation of language-related ERP components has been a central debate in psycholinguistics for decades. We advance an information-theoretic model of human language processing in the brain in which incoming linguistic input is processed at first shallowly and later with more depth, with these two kinds of information processing corresponding to distinct electroencephalographic signatures. Formally, we show that the information content (surprisal) of a word in context can be decomposed into two quantities: (A) shallow surprisal, which signals shallow processing difficulty for a word, and corresponds with the N400 signal; and (B) deep surprisal, which reflects the discrepancy between shallow and deep representations, and corresponds to the P600 signal and other late positivities. Both of these quantities can be estimated straightforwardly using modern NLP models. We validate our theory by successfully simulating ERP patterns elicited by a variety of linguistic manipulations in previously-reported experimental data from six experiments, with successful novel qualitative and quantitative predictions. Our theory is compatible with traditional cognitive theories assuming a `good-enough' shallow representation stage, but with a precise information-theoretic formulation. The model provides an information-theoretic model of ERP components grounded on cognitive processes, and brings us closer to a fully-specified neuro-computational model of language processing.

Manikanta Loya, Divya Anand Sinha, Richard Futrell

The advancement of Large Language Models (LLMs) has led to their widespread use across a broad spectrum of tasks including decision making. Prior studies have compared the decision making abilities of LLMs with those of humans from a psychological perspective. However, these studies have not always properly accounted for the sensitivity of LLMs' behavior to hyperparameters and variations in the prompt. In this study, we examine LLMs' performance on the Horizon decision making task studied by Binz and Schulz (2023) analyzing how LLMs respond to variations in prompts and hyperparameters. By experimenting on three OpenAI language models possessing different capabilities, we observe that the decision making abilities fluctuate based on the input prompts and temperature settings. Contrary to previous findings language models display a human-like exploration exploitation tradeoff after simple adjustments to the prompt.

Julie Kallini, Isabel Papadimitriou, Richard Futrell et al.

Chomsky and others have very directly claimed that large language models (LLMs) are equally capable of learning languages that are possible and impossible for humans to learn. However, there is very little published experimental evidence to support such a claim. Here, we develop a set of synthetic impossible languages of differing complexity, each designed by systematically altering English data with unnatural word orders and grammar rules. These languages lie on an impossibility continuum: at one end are languages that are inherently impossible, such as random and irreversible shuffles of English words, and on the other, languages that may not be intuitively impossible but are often considered so in linguistics, particularly those with rules based on counting word positions. We report on a wide range of evaluations to assess the capacity of GPT-2 small models to learn these uncontroversially impossible languages, and crucially, we perform these assessments at various stages throughout training to compare the learning process for each language. Our core finding is that GPT-2 struggles to learn impossible languages when compared to English as a control, challenging the core claim. More importantly, we hope our approach opens up a productive line of inquiry in which different LLM architectures are tested on a variety of impossible languages in an effort to learn more about how LLMs can be used as tools for these cognitive and typological investigations.

Richard Futrell, Kyle Mahowald

Language models can produce fluent, grammatical text. Nonetheless, some maintain that language models don't really learn language and also that, even if they did, that would not be informative for the study of human learning and processing. On the other side, there have been claims that the success of LMs obviates the need for studying linguistic theory and structure. We argue that both extremes are wrong. LMs can contribute to fundamental questions about linguistic structure, language processing, and learning. They force us to rethink arguments and ways of thinking that have been foundational in linguistics. While they do not replace linguistic structure and theory, they serve as model systems and working proofs of concept for gradient, usage-based approaches to language. We offer an optimistic take on the relationship between language models and linguistics.

Weijie Xu, Richard Futrell

The effect of syntactic priming exhibits three well-documented empirical properties: the lexical boost, the inverse frequency effect, and the asymmetrical decay. We aim to show how these three empirical phenomena can be reconciled in a general learning framework, the hierarchical Bayesian model (HBM). The model represents syntactic knowledge in a hierarchical structure of syntactic statistics, where a lower level represents the verb-specific biases of syntactic decisions, and a higher level represents the abstract bias as an aggregation of verb-specific biases. This knowledge is updated in response to experience by Bayesian inference. In simulations, we show that the HBM captures the above-mentioned properties of syntactic priming. The results indicate that some properties of priming which are usually explained by a residual activation account can also be explained by an implicit learning account. We also discuss the model's implications for the lexical basis of syntactic priming.

Richard Futrell, Michael Hahn

Human language has a distinct systematic structure, where utterances break into individually meaningful words which are combined to form phrases. We show that natural-language-like systematicity arises in codes that are constrained by a statistical measure of complexity called predictive information, also known as excess entropy. Predictive information is the mutual information between the past and future of a stochastic process. In simulations, we find that such codes break messages into groups of approximately independent features which are expressed systematically and locally, corresponding to words and phrases. Next, drawing on crosslinguistic text corpora, we find that actual human languages are structured in a way that reduces predictive information compared to baselines at the levels of phonology, morphology, syntax, and lexical semantics. Our results establish a link between the statistical and algebraic structure of language and reinforce the idea that these structures are shaped by communication under general cognitive constraints.

Jiaxuan Li, Richard Futrell

A large body of work in psycholinguistics has focused on the idea that online language comprehension can be shallow or `good enough': given constraints on time or available computation, comprehenders may form interpretations of their input that are plausible but inaccurate. However, this idea has not yet been linked with formal theories of computation under resource constraints. Here we use information theory to formulate a model of language comprehension as an optimal trade-off between accuracy and processing depth, formalized as bits of information extracted from the input, which increases with processing time. The model provides a measure of processing effort as the change in processing depth, which we link to EEG signals and reading times. We validate our theory against a large-scale dataset of garden path sentence reading times, and EEG experiments featuring N400, P600 and biphasic ERP effects. By quantifying the timecourse of language processing as it proceeds from shallow to deep, our model provides a unified framework to explain behavioral and neural signatures of language comprehension.

Richard Futrell, Kyle Mahowald

Norm, the formal theoretical linguist, and Claudette, the computational language scientist, have a lovely time discussing whether modern language models can inform important questions in the language sciences. Just as they are about to part ways until they meet again, 25 of their closest friends show up -- from linguistics, neuroscience, cognitive science, psychology, philosophy, and computer science. We use this discussion to highlight what we see as some common underlying issues: the String Statistics Strawman (the mistaken idea that LMs can't be linguistically competent or interesting because they, like their Markov model predecessors, are statistical models that learn from strings) and the As Good As it Gets Assumption (the idea that LM research as it stands in 2026 is the limit of what it can tell us about linguistics). We clarify the role of LM-based work for scientific insights into human language and advocate for a more expansive research program for the language sciences in the AI age, one that takes on the commentators' concerns in order to produce a better and more robust science of both human language and of LMs.

Weijie Xu, Richard Futrell

How is the limited capacity of working memory efficiently used to support human linguistic behaviors? In this paper, we propose Strategic Resource Allocation (SRA) as an efficiency principle for memory encoding in sentence processing. The idea is that working memory resources are dynamically and strategically allocated to prioritize novel and unexpected information. From a resource-rational perspective, we argue that SRA is the principled solution to a computational problem posed by two functional assumptions about working memory, namely its limited capacity and its noisy representation. Specifically, working memory needs to minimize the retrieval error of past inputs under the constraint of limited memory resources, an optimization problem whose solution is to allocate more resources to encode more surprising inputs with higher precision. One of the critical consequences of SRA is that surprising inputs are encoded with enhanced representations, and therefore are less susceptible to memory decay and interference. Empirically, through naturalistic corpus data, we find converging evidence for SRA in the context of dependency locality from both production and comprehension, where non-local dependencies with less predictable antecedents are associated with reduced locality effect. However, our results also reveal considerable cross-linguistic variability, suggesting the need for a closer examination of how SRA, as a domain-general memory efficiency principle, interacts with language-specific phrase structures. SRA highlights the critical role of representational uncertainty in understanding memory encoding. It also reimages the effects of surprisal and entropy on processing difficulty from the perspective of efficient memory encoding.

Shiva Upadhye, Richard Futrell

Contextual predictability shapes both the form and choice of words in online language production. The effects of the predictability of a word given its previous context are generally well-understood in both production and comprehension, but studies of naturalistic production have also revealed a poorly-understood backward predictability effect of a word given its future context, which may be related to future planning. Here, in two studies of naturalistic speech corpora, we investigate backward predictability effects using improved measures and more powerful language models, introducing a new principled and conceptually motivated information-theoretic predictability measure that integrates predictability from both the future and the past context. Our first study revisits classic predictability effects on word duration. Our second study investigates substitution errors within a generative framework that independently models the effects of lexical, contextual, and communicative factors on word choice, while predicting the actual words that surface as speech errors. We find that our proposed conceptually-motivated alternative to backward predictability yields qualitatively similar effects across both studies. Through a fine-grained analysis of substitution errors, we further show that different kinds of errors are suggestive of how speakers prioritize form, meaning, and context-based information during lexical planning. Together, these findings illuminate the functional roles of past and future context in how speakers encode and choose words, offering a bridge between contextual predictability effects and the mechanisms of sentence planning.

Charles J. Torres, Richard Futrell

Orthographic transparency -- how directly spelling is related to sound -- lacks a unified, script-agnostic metric. Using ideas from algorithmic information theory, we quantify orthographic transparency in terms of the mutual compressibility between orthographic and phonological strings. Our measure provides a principled way to combine two factors that decrease orthographic transparency, capturing both irregular spellings and rule complexity in one quantity. We estimate our transparency measure using prequential code-lengths derived from neural sequence models. Evaluating 22 languages across a broad range of script types (alphabetic, abjad, abugida, syllabic, logographic) confirms common intuitions about relative transparency of scripts. Mutual compressibility offers a simple, principled, and general yardstick for orthographic transparency.

Shiva Upadhye, Jiaxuan Li, Richard Futrell

Speech errors are a natural part of communication, yet they rarely lead to complete communicative failure because both speakers and comprehenders can detect and correct errors. Although prior research has examined error monitoring and correction in production and comprehension separately, integrated investigation of both systems has been impeded by the scarcity of parallel data. In this study, we present SPACER, a parallel dataset that captures how naturalistic speech errors are corrected by both speakers and comprehenders. We focus on single-word substitution errors extracted from the Switchboard corpus, accompanied by speaker's self-repairs and comprehenders' responses from an offline text-editing experiment. Our exploratory analysis suggests asymmetries in error correction strategies: speakers are more likely to repair errors that introduce greater semantic and phonemic deviations, whereas comprehenders tend to correct errors that are phonemically similar to more plausible alternatives or do not fit into prior contexts. Our dataset enables future research on integrated approaches toward studying language production and comprehension.

Kyle Mahowald, Evgeniia Diachek, Edward Gibson et al.

Grammatical cues are sometimes redundant with word meanings in natural language. For instance, English word order rules constrain the word order of a sentence like "The dog chewed the bone" even though the status of "dog" as subject and "bone" as object can be inferred from world knowledge and plausibility. Quantifying how often this redundancy occurs, and how the level of redundancy varies across typologically diverse languages, can shed light on the function and evolution of grammar. To that end, we performed a behavioral experiment in English and Russian and a cross-linguistic computational analysis measuring the redundancy of grammatical cues in transitive clauses extracted from corpus text. English and Russian speakers (n=484) were presented with subjects, verbs, and objects (in random order and with morphological markings removed) extracted from naturally occurring sentences and were asked to identify which noun is the subject of the action. Accuracy was high in both languages (~89% in English, ~87% in Russian). Next, we trained a neural network machine classifier on a similar task: predicting which nominal in a subject-verb-object triad is the subject. Across 30 languages from eight language families, performance was consistently high: a median accuracy of 87%, comparable to the accuracy observed in the human experiments. The conclusion is that grammatical cues such as word order are necessary to convey subjecthood and objecthood in a minority of naturally occurring transitive clauses; nevertheless, they can (a) provide an important source of redundancy and (b) are crucial for conveying intended meaning that cannot be inferred from the words alone, including descriptions of human interactions, where roles are often reversible (e.g., Ray helped Lu/Lu helped Ray), and expressing non-prototypical meanings (e.g., "The bone chewed the dog.").

Michael Hahn, Dan Jurafsky, Richard Futrell

We introduce a theoretical framework for understanding and predicting the complexity of sequence classification tasks, using a novel extension of the theory of Boolean function sensitivity. The sensitivity of a function, given a distribution over input sequences, quantifies the number of disjoint subsets of the input sequence that can each be individually changed to change the output. We argue that standard sequence classification methods are biased towards learning low-sensitivity functions, so that tasks requiring high sensitivity are more difficult. To that end, we show analytically that simple lexical classifiers can only express functions of bounded sensitivity, and we show empirically that low-sensitivity functions are easier to learn for LSTMs. We then estimate sensitivity on 15 NLP tasks, finding that sensitivity is higher on challenging tasks collected in GLUE than on simple text classification tasks, and that sensitivity predicts the performance both of simple lexical classifiers and of vanilla BiLSTMs without pretrained contextualized embeddings. Within a task, sensitivity predicts which inputs are hard for such simple models. Our results suggest that the success of massively pretrained contextual representations stems in part because they provide representations from which information can be extracted by low-sensitivity decoders.

Isabel Papadimitriou, Ethan A. Chi, Richard Futrell et al.

We investigate how Multilingual BERT (mBERT) encodes grammar by examining how the high-order grammatical feature of morphosyntactic alignment (how different languages define what counts as a "subject") is manifested across the embedding spaces of different languages. To understand if and how morphosyntactic alignment affects contextual embedding spaces, we train classifiers to recover the subjecthood of mBERT embeddings in transitive sentences (which do not contain overt information about morphosyntactic alignment) and then evaluate them zero-shot on intransitive sentences (where subjecthood classification depends on alignment), within and across languages. We find that the resulting classifier distributions reflect the morphosyntactic alignment of their training languages. Our results demonstrate that mBERT representations are influenced by high-level grammatical features that are not manifested in any one input sentence, and that this is robust across languages. Further examining the characteristics that our classifiers rely on, we find that features such as passive voice, animacy and case strongly correlate with classification decisions, suggesting that mBERT does not encode subjecthood purely syntactically, but that subjecthood embedding is continuous and dependent on semantic and discourse factors, as is proposed in much of the functional linguistics literature. Together, these results provide insight into how grammatical features manifest in contextual embedding spaces, at a level of abstraction not covered by previous work.

William Dyer, Richard Futrell, Zoey Liu et al.

Languages vary in their placement of multiple adjectives before, after, or surrounding the noun, but they typically exhibit strong intra-language tendencies on the relative order of those adjectives (e.g., the preference for `big blue box' in English, `grande boîte bleue' in French, and `alsundūq al'azraq alkabīr' in Arabic). We advance a new quantitative account of adjective order across typologically-distinct languages based on maximizing information gain. Our model addresses the left-right asymmetry of French-type ANA sequences with the same approach as AAN and NAA orderings, without appeal to other mechanisms. We find that, across 32 languages, the preferred order of adjectives largely mirrors an efficient algorithm of maximizing information gain.

Ethan Wilcox, Peng Qian, Richard Futrell et al.

Humans can learn structural properties about a word from minimal experience, and deploy their learned syntactic representations uniformly in different grammatical contexts. We assess the ability of modern neural language models to reproduce this behavior in English and evaluate the effect of structural supervision on learning outcomes. First, we assess few-shot learning capabilities by developing controlled experiments that probe models' syntactic nominal number and verbal argument structure generalizations for tokens seen as few as two times during training. Second, we assess invariance properties of learned representation: the ability of a model to transfer syntactic generalizations from a base context (e.g., a simple declarative active-voice sentence) to a transformed context (e.g., an interrogative sentence). We test four models trained on the same dataset: an n-gram baseline, an LSTM, and two LSTM-variants trained with explicit structural supervision (Dyer et al.,2016; Charniak et al., 2016). We find that in most cases, the neural models are able to induce the proper syntactic generalizations after minimal exposure, often from just two examples during training, and that the two structurally supervised models generalize more accurately than the LSTM model. All neural models are able to leverage information learned in base contexts to drive expectations in transformed contexts, indicating that they have learned some invariance properties of syntax.

Ethan Wilcox, Roger Levy, Richard Futrell

Deep learning sequence models have led to a marked increase in performance for a range of Natural Language Processing tasks, but it remains an open question whether they are able to induce proper hierarchical generalizations for representing natural language from linear input alone. Work using artificial languages as training input has shown that LSTMs are capable of inducing the stack-like data structures required to represent context-free and certain mildly context-sensitive languages---formal language classes which correspond in theory to the hierarchical structures of natural language. Here we present a suite of experiments probing whether neural language models trained on linguistic data induce these stack-like data structures and deploy them while incrementally predicting words. We study two natural language phenomena: center embedding sentences and syntactic island constraints on the filler--gap dependency. In order to properly predict words in these structures, a model must be able to temporarily suppress certain expectations and then recover those expectations later, essentially pushing and popping these expectations on a stack. Our results provide evidence that models can successfully suppress and recover expectations in many cases, but do not fully recover their previous grammatical state.

Ethan Wilcox, Roger Levy, Richard Futrell

Recurrent Neural Networks (RNNs) trained on a language modeling task have been shown to acquire a number of non-local grammatical dependencies with some success. Here, we provide new evidence that RNN language models are sensitive to hierarchical syntactic structure by investigating the filler--gap dependency and constraints on it, known as syntactic islands. Previous work is inconclusive about whether RNNs learn to attenuate their expectations for gaps in island constructions in particular or in any sufficiently complex syntactic environment. This paper gives new evidence for the former by providing control studies that have been lacking so far. We demonstrate that two state-of-the-art RNN models are are able to maintain the filler--gap dependency through unbounded sentential embeddings and are also sensitive to the hierarchical relationship between the filler and the gap. Next, we demonstrate that the models are able to maintain possessive pronoun gender expectations through island constructions---this control case rules out the possibility that island constructions block all information flow in these networks. We also evaluate three untested islands constraints: coordination islands, left branch islands, and sentential subject islands. Models are able to learn left branch islands and learn coordination islands gradiently, but fail to learn sentential subject islands. Through these controls and new tests, we provide evidence that model behavior is due to finer-grained expectations than gross syntactic complexity, but also that the models are conspicuously un-humanlike in some of their performance characteristics.

Richard Futrell, Ethan Wilcox, Takashi Morita et al.

We deploy the methods of controlled psycholinguistic experimentation to shed light on the extent to which the behavior of neural network language models reflects incremental representations of syntactic state. To do so, we examine model behavior on artificial sentences containing a variety of syntactically complex structures. We test four models: two publicly available LSTM sequence models of English (Jozefowicz et al., 2016; Gulordava et al., 2018) trained on large datasets; an RNNG (Dyer et al., 2016) trained on a small, parsed dataset; and an LSTM trained on the same small corpus as the RNNG. We find evidence that the LSTMs trained on large datasets represent syntactic state over large spans of text in a way that is comparable to the RNNG, while the LSTM trained on the small dataset does not or does so only weakly.

Ethan Wilcox, Peng Qian, Richard Futrell et al.

State-of-the-art LSTM language models trained on large corpora learn sequential contingencies in impressive detail and have been shown to acquire a number of non-local grammatical dependencies with some success. Here we investigate whether supervision with hierarchical structure enhances learning of a range of grammatical dependencies, a question that has previously been addressed only for subject-verb agreement. Using controlled experimental methods from psycholinguistics, we compare the performance of word-based LSTM models versus two models that represent hierarchical structure and deploy it in left-to-right processing: Recurrent Neural Network Grammars (RNNGs) (Dyer et al., 2016) and a incrementalized version of the Parsing-as-Language-Modeling configuration from Chariak et al., (2016). Models are tested on a diverse range of configurations for two classes of non-local grammatical dependencies in English---Negative Polarity licensing and Filler--Gap Dependencies. Using the same training data across models, we find that structurally-supervised models outperform the LSTM, with the RNNG demonstrating best results on both types of grammatical dependencies and even learning many of the Island Constraints on the filler--gap dependency. Structural supervision thus provides data efficiency advantages over purely string-based training of neural language models in acquiring human-like generalizations about non-local grammatical dependencies.

Richard Futrell, Roger P. Levy

RNN language models have achieved state-of-the-art results on various tasks, but what exactly they are representing about syntax is as yet unclear. Here we investigate whether RNN language models learn humanlike word order preferences in syntactic alternations. We collect language model surprisal scores for controlled sentence stimuli exhibiting major syntactic alternations in English: heavy NP shift, particle shift, the dative alternation, and the genitive alternation. We show that RNN language models reproduce human preferences in these alternations based on NP length, animacy, and definiteness. We collect human acceptability ratings for our stimuli, in the first acceptability judgment experiment directly manipulating the predictors of syntactic alternations. We show that the RNNs' performance is similar to the human acceptability ratings and is not matched by an n-gram baseline model. Our results show that RNNs learn the abstract features of weight, animacy, and definiteness which underlie soft constraints on syntactic alternations.

Richard Futrell, Ethan Wilcox, Takashi Morita et al.

Recurrent neural networks (RNNs) are the state of the art in sequence modeling for natural language. However, it remains poorly understood what grammatical characteristics of natural language they implicitly learn and represent as a consequence of optimizing the language modeling objective. Here we deploy the methods of controlled psycholinguistic experimentation to shed light on to what extent RNN behavior reflects incremental syntactic state and grammatical dependency representations known to characterize human linguistic behavior. We broadly test two publicly available long short-term memory (LSTM) English sequence models, and learn and test a new Japanese LSTM. We demonstrate that these models represent and maintain incremental syntactic state, but that they do not always generalize in the same way as humans. Furthermore, none of our models learn the appropriate grammatical dependency configurations licensing reflexive pronouns or negative polarity items.

Ethan Wilcox, Roger Levy, Takashi Morita et al.

RNN language models have achieved state-of-the-art perplexity results and have proven useful in a suite of NLP tasks, but it is as yet unclear what syntactic generalizations they learn. Here we investigate whether state-of-the-art RNN language models represent long-distance filler-gap dependencies and constraints on them. Examining RNN behavior on experimentally controlled sentences designed to expose filler-gap dependencies, we show that RNNs can represent the relationship in multiple syntactic positions and over large spans of text. Furthermore, we show that RNNs learn a subset of the known restrictions on filler-gap dependencies, known as island constraints: RNNs show evidence for wh-islands, adjunct islands, and complex NP islands. These studies demonstrates that state-of-the-art RNN models are able to learn and generalize about empty syntactic positions.

Richard Futrell, Roger Levy, Matthew Dryer

A frequent object of study in linguistic typology is the order of elements {demonstrative, adjective, numeral, noun} in the noun phrase. The goal is to predict the relative frequencies of these orders across languages. Here we use Poisson regression to statistically compare some prominent accounts of this variation. We compare feature systems derived from Cinque (2005) to feature systems given in Cysouw (2010) and Dryer (in prep). In this setting, we do not find clear reasons to prefer the model of Cinque (2005) or Dryer (in prep), but we find both of these models have substantially better fit to the typological data than the model from Cysouw (2010).

Richard Futrell, Edward Gibson, Hal Tily et al.

It is now a common practice to compare models of human language processing by predicting participant reactions (such as reading times) to corpora consisting of rich naturalistic linguistic materials. However, many of the corpora used in these studies are based on naturalistic text and thus do not contain many of the low-frequency syntactic constructions that are often required to distinguish processing theories. Here we describe a new corpus consisting of English texts edited to contain many low-frequency syntactic constructions while still sounding fluent to native speakers. The corpus is annotated with hand-corrected parse trees and includes self-paced reading time data. Here we give an overview of the content of the corpus and release the data.

Richard Futrell, Kyle Mahowald, Edward Gibson

We address recent criticisms (Liu et al., 2015; Ferrer-i-Cancho and Gómez-Rodríguez, 2015) of our work on empirical evidence of dependency length minimization across languages (Futrell et al., 2015). First, we acknowledge error in failing to acknowledge Liu (2008)'s previous work on corpora of 20 languages with similar aims. A correction will appear in PNAS. Nevertheless, we argue that our work provides novel, strong evidence for dependency length minimization as a universal quantitative property of languages, beyond this previous work, because it provides baselines which focus on word order preferences. Second, we argue that our choices of baselines were appropriate because they control for alternative theories.