Kenny Smith

Andrea Silvi, Ponrawee Prasertsom, Jennifer Culbertson et al.

Human recursive numeral systems (i.e., counting systems such as English base-10 numerals), like many other grammatical systems, are highly regular. Following prior work that relates cross-linguistic tendencies to biases in learning, we ask whether regular systems are common because regularity facilitates learning. Adopting methods from the Reinforcement Learning literature, we confirm that highly regular human(-like) systems are easier to learn than unattested but possible irregular systems. This asymmetry emerges under the natural assumption that recursive numeral systems are designed for generalisation from limited data to represent all integers exactly. We also find that the influence of regularity on learnability is absent for unnatural, highly irregular systems, whose learnability is influenced instead by signal length, suggesting that different pressures may influence learnability differently in different parts of the space of possible numeral systems. Our results contribute to the body of work linking learnability to cross-linguistic prevalence.

Ponrawee Prasertsom, Andrea Silvi, Jennifer Culbertson et al.

Previous work has argued that recursive numeral systems optimise the trade-off between lexicon size and average morphosyntatic complexity (Denić and Szymanik, 2024). However, showing that only natural-language-like systems optimise this tradeoff has proven elusive, and the existing solution has relied on ad-hoc constraints to rule out unnatural systems (Yang and Regier, 2025). Here, we argue that this issue arises because the proposed trade-off has neglected regularity, a crucial aspect of complexity central to human grammars in general. Drawing on the Minimum Description Length (MDL) approach, we propose that recursive numeral systems are better viewed as efficient with regard to their regularity and processing complexity. We show that our MDL-based measures of regularity and processing complexity better capture the key differences between attested, natural systems and unattested but possible ones, including "optimal" recursive numeral systems from previous work, and that the ad-hoc constraints from previous literature naturally follow from regularity. Our approach highlights the need to incorporate regularity across sets of forms in studies that attempt to measure and explain optimality in language.

Henry Conklin, Kenny Smith

Large scale neural models show impressive performance across a wide array of linguistic tasks. Despite this they remain, largely, black-boxes - inducing vector-representations of their input that prove difficult to interpret. This limits our ability to understand what they learn, and when the learn it, or describe what kinds of representations generalise well out of distribution. To address this we introduce a novel approach to interpretability that looks at the mapping a model learns from sentences to representations as a kind of language in its own right. In doing so we introduce a set of information-theoretic measures that quantify how structured a model's representations are with respect to its input, and when during training that structure arises. Our measures are fast to compute, grounded in linguistic theory, and can predict which models will generalise best based on their representations. We use these measures to describe two distinct phases of training a transformer: an initial phase of in-distribution learning which reduces task loss, then a second stage where representations becoming robust to noise. Generalisation performance begins to increase during this second phase, drawing a link between generalisation and robustness to noise. Finally we look at how model size affects the structure of the representational space, showing that larger models ultimately compress their representations more than their smaller counterparts.

Shangmin Guo, Yi Ren, Stefano V. Albrecht et al.

Although much research has been done on proposing new models or loss functions to improve the generalisation of artificial neural networks (ANNs), less attention has been directed to the impact of the training data on generalisation. In this work, we start from approximating the interaction between samples, i.e. how learning one sample would modify the model's prediction on other samples. Through analysing the terms involved in weight updates in supervised learning, we find that labels influence the interaction between samples. Therefore, we propose the labelled pseudo Neural Tangent Kernel (lpNTK) which takes label information into consideration when measuring the interactions between samples. We first prove that lpNTK asymptotically converges to the empirical neural tangent kernel in terms of the Frobenius norm under certain assumptions. Secondly, we illustrate how lpNTK helps to understand learning phenomena identified in previous work, specifically the learning difficulty of samples and forgetting events during learning. Moreover, we also show that using lpNTK to identify and remove poisoning training samples does not hurt the generalisation performance of ANNs.

Juan Guerrero Montero, Andres Karjus, Kenny Smith et al.

Language change is a cultural evolutionary process in which variants of linguistic variables change in frequency through processes analogous to mutation, selection and genetic drift. In this work, we apply a recently-introduced method to corpus data to quantify the strength of selection in specific instances of historical language change. We first demonstrate, in the context of English irregular verbs, that this method is more reliable and interpretable than similar methods that have previously been applied. We further extend this study to demonstrate that a bias towards phonological simplicity overrides that favouring grammatical simplicity when these are in conflict. Finally, with reference to Spanish spelling reforms, we show that the method can also detect points in time at which selection strengths change, a feature that is generically expected for socially-motivated language change. Together, these results indicate how hypotheses for mechanisms of language change can be tested quantitatively using historical corpus data.

Henry Conklin, Bailin Wang, Kenny Smith et al.

Natural language is compositional; the meaning of a sentence is a function of the meaning of its parts. This property allows humans to create and interpret novel sentences, generalizing robustly outside their prior experience. Neural networks have been shown to struggle with this kind of generalization, in particular performing poorly on tasks designed to assess compositional generalization (i.e. where training and testing distributions differ in ways that would be trivial for a compositional strategy to resolve). Their poor performance on these tasks may in part be due to the nature of supervised learning which assumes training and testing data to be drawn from the same distribution. We implement a meta-learning augmented version of supervised learning whose objective directly optimizes for out-of-distribution generalization. We construct pairs of tasks for meta-learning by sub-sampling existing training data. Each pair of tasks is constructed to contain relevant examples, as determined by a similarity metric, in an effort to inhibit models from memorizing their input. Experimental results on the COGS and SCAN datasets show that our similarity-driven meta-learning can improve generalization performance.

Shangmin Guo, Yi Ren, Kory Mathewson et al.

Researchers are using deep learning models to explore the emergence of language in various language games, where agents interact and develop an emergent language to solve tasks. We focus on the factors that determine the expressivity of emergent languages, which reflects the amount of information about input spaces those languages are capable of encoding. We measure the expressivity of emergent languages based on the generalisation performance across different games, and demonstrate that the expressivity of emergent languages is a trade-off between the complexity and unpredictability of the context those languages emerged from. Another contribution of this work is the discovery of message type collapse, i.e. the number of unique messages is lower than that of inputs. We also show that using the contrastive loss proposed by Chen et al. (2020) can alleviate this problem.

Robert D. Hawkins, Michael Franke, Michael C. Frank et al.

Languages are powerful solutions to coordination problems: they provide stable, shared expectations about how the words we say correspond to the beliefs and intentions in our heads. Yet language use in a variable and non-stationary social environment requires linguistic representations to be flexible: old words acquire new ad hoc or partner-specific meanings on the fly. In this paper, we introduce CHAI (Continual Hierarchical Adaptation through Inference), a hierarchical Bayesian theory of coordination and convention formation that aims to reconcile the long-standing tension between these two basic observations. We argue that the central computational problem of communication is not simply transmission, as in classical formulations, but continual learning and adaptation over multiple timescales. Partner-specific common ground quickly emerges from social inferences within dyadic interactions, while community-wide social conventions are stable priors that have been abstracted away from interactions with multiple partners. We present new empirical data alongside simulations showing how our model provides a computational foundation for several phenomena that have posed a challenge for previous accounts: (1) the convergence to more efficient referring expressions across repeated interaction with the same partner, (2) the gradual transfer of partner-specific common ground to strangers, and (3) the influence of communicative context on which conventions eventually form.

Andres Karjus, Richard A. Blythe, Simon Kirby et al.

Colexification refers to the phenomenon of multiple meanings sharing one word in a language. Cross-linguistic lexification patterns have been shown to be largely predictable, as similar concepts are often colexified. We test a recent claim that, beyond this general tendency, communicative needs play an important role in shaping colexification patterns. We approach this question by means of a series of human experiments, using an artificial language communication game paradigm. Our results across four experiments match the previous cross-linguistic findings: all other things being equal, speakers do prefer to colexify similar concepts. However, we also find evidence supporting the communicative need hypothesis: when faced with a frequent need to distinguish similar pairs of meanings, speakers adjust their colexification preferences to maintain communicative efficiency, and avoid colexifying those similar meanings which need to be distinguished in communication. This research provides further evidence to support the argument that languages are shaped by the needs and preferences of their speakers.

Andres Karjus, Richard A. Blythe, Simon Kirby et al.

All living languages change over time. The causes for this are many, one being the emergence and borrowing of new linguistic elements. Competition between the new elements and older ones with a similar semantic or grammatical function may lead to speakers preferring one of them, and leaving the other to go out of use. We introduce a general method for quantifying competition between linguistic elements in diachronic corpora which does not require language-specific resources other than a sufficiently large corpus. This approach is readily applicable to a wide range of languages and linguistic subsystems. Here, we apply it to lexical data in five corpora differing in language, type, genre, and time span. We find that changes in communicative need are consistently predictive of lexical competition dynamics. Near-synonymous words are more likely to directly compete if they belong to a topic of conversation whose importance to language users is constant over time, possibly leading to the extinction of one of the competing words. By contrast, in topics which are increasing in importance for language users, near-synonymous words tend not to compete directly and can coexist. This suggests that, in addition to direct competition between words, language change can be driven by competition between topics or semantic subspaces.

Shangmin Guo, Yi Ren, Serhii Havrylov et al.

Since first introduced, computer simulation has been an increasingly important tool in evolutionary linguistics. Recently, with the development of deep learning techniques, research in grounded language learning has also started to focus on facilitating the emergence of compositional languages without pre-defined elementary linguistic knowledge. In this work, we explore the emergence of compositional languages for numeric concepts in multi-agent communication systems. We demonstrate that compositional language for encoding numeric concepts can emerge through iterated learning in populations of deep neural network agents. However, language properties greatly depend on the input representations given to agents. We found that compositional languages only emerge if they require less iterations to be fully learnt than other non-degenerate languages for agents on a given input representation.

Andres Karjus, Richard A. Blythe, Simon Kirby et al.

Newberry et al. (Detecting evolutionary forces in language change, Nature 551, 2017) tackle an important but difficult problem in linguistics, the testing of selective theories of language change against a null model of drift. Having applied a test from population genetics (the Frequency Increment Test) to a number of relevant examples, they suggest stochasticity has a previously under-appreciated role in language evolution. We replicate their results and find that while the overall observation holds, results produced by this approach on individual time series can be sensitive to how the corpus is organized into temporal segments (binning). Furthermore, we use a large set of simulations in conjunction with binning to systematically explore the range of applicability of the Frequency Increment Test. We conclude that care should be exercised with interpreting results of tests like the Frequency Increment Test on individual series, given the researcher degrees of freedom available when applying the test to corpus data, and fundamental differences between genetic and linguistic data. Our findings have implications for selection testing and temporal binning in general, as well as demonstrating the usefulness of simulations for evaluating methods newly introduced to the field.

Andres Karjus, Richard A. Blythe, Simon Kirby et al.

The availability of large diachronic corpora has provided the impetus for a growing body of quantitative research on language evolution and meaning change. The central quantities in this research are token frequencies of linguistic elements in texts, with changes in frequency taken to reflect the popularity or selective fitness of an element. However, corpus frequencies may change for a wide variety of reasons, including purely random sampling effects, or because corpora are composed of contemporary media and fiction texts within which the underlying topics ebb and flow with cultural and socio-political trends. In this work, we introduce a simple model for controlling for topical fluctuations in corpora - the topical-cultural advection model - and demonstrate how it provides a robust baseline of variability in word frequency changes over time. We validate the model on a diachronic corpus spanning two centuries, and a carefully-controlled artificial language change scenario, and then use it to correct for topical fluctuations in historical time series. Finally, we use the model to show that the emergence of new words typically corresponds with the rise of a trending topic. This suggests that some lexical innovations occur due to growing communicative need in a subspace of the lexicon, and that the topical-cultural advection model can be used to quantify this.

Vanessa Ferdinand, Simon Kirby, Kenny Smith

Regularization occurs when the output a learner produces is less variable than the linguistic data they observed. In an artificial language learning experiment, we show that there exist at least two independent sources of regularization bias in cognition: a domain-general source based on cognitive load and a domain-specific source triggered by linguistic stimuli. Both of these factors modulate how frequency information is encoded and produced, but only the production-side modulations result in regularization (i.e. cause learners to eliminate variation from the observed input). We formalize the definition of regularization as the reduction of entropy and find that entropy measures are better at identifying regularization behavior than frequency-based analyses. Using our experimental data and a model of cultural transmission, we generate predictions for the amount of regularity that would develop in each experimental condition if the artificial language were transmitted over several generations of learners. Here we find that the effect of cognitive constraints can become more complex when put into the context of cultural evolution: although learning biases certainly carry information about the course of language evolution, we should not expect a one-to-one correspondence between the micro-level processes that regularize linguistic datasets and the macro-level evolution of linguistic regularity.

Richard A. Blythe, Andrew D. M. Smith, Kenny Smith

Language learners must learn the meanings of many thousands of words, despite those words occurring in complex environments in which infinitely many meanings might be inferred by the learner as a word's true meaning. This problem of infinite referential uncertainty is often attributed to Willard Van Orman Quine. We provide a mathematical formalisation of an ideal cross-situational learner attempting to learn under infinite referential uncertainty, and identify conditions under which word learning is possible. As Quine's intuitions suggest, learning under infinite uncertainty is in fact possible, provided that learners have some means of ranking candidate word meanings in terms of their plausibility; furthermore, our analysis shows that this ranking could in fact be exceedingly weak, implying that constraints which allow learners to infer the plausibility of candidate word meanings could themselves be weak. This approach lifts the burden of explanation from `smart' word learning constraints in learners, and suggests a programme of research into weak, unreliable, probabilistic constraints on the inference of word meaning in real word learners.

Rainer Reisenauer, Kenny Smith, Richard A. Blythe

We study the time taken by a language learner to correctly identify the meaning of all words in a lexicon under conditions where many plausible meanings can be inferred whenever a word is uttered. We show that the most basic form of cross-situational learning - whereby information from multiple episodes is combined to eliminate incorrect meanings - can perform badly when words are learned independently and meanings are drawn from a nonuniform distribution. If learners further assume that no two words share a common meaning, we find a phase transition between a maximally-efficient learning regime, where the learning time is reduced to the shortest it can possibly be, and a partially-efficient regime where incorrect candidate meanings for words persist at late times. We obtain exact results for the word-learning process through an equivalence to a statistical mechanical problem of enumerating loops in the space of word-meaning mappings.