James A. Michaelov

James A. Michaelov, Benjamin K. Bergen · mit

How well do language models deal with quantification? In this study, we focus on 'few'-type quantifiers, as in 'few children like toys', which might pose a particular challenge for language models because the sentence components with out the quantifier are likely to co-occur, and 'few'-type quantifiers are rare. We present 960 English sentence stimuli from two human neurolinguistic experiments to 22 autoregressive transformer models of differing sizes. Not only do all the models perform poorly on 'few'-type quantifiers, but overall the larger the model, the worse its performance. This inverse scaling is consistent with previous work suggesting that larger models increasingly reflect online rather than offline human processing, and we argue that the decreasing performance of larger models may challenge uses of language models as the basis for natural language systems.

James A. Michaelov, Seana Coulson, Benjamin K. Bergen · mit

Context changes expectations about upcoming words - following a story involving an anthropomorphic peanut, comprehenders expect the sentence the peanut was in love more than the peanut was salted, as indexed by N400 amplitude (Nieuwland & van Berkum, 2006). This updating of expectations has been explained using Situation Models - mental representations of a described event. However, recent work showing that N400 amplitude is predictable from distributional information alone raises the question whether situation models are necessary for these contextual effects. We model the results of Nieuwland and van Berkum (2006) using six computational language models and three sets of word vectors, none of which have explicit situation models or semantic grounding. We find that a subset of these can fully model the effect found by Nieuwland and van Berkum (2006). Thus, at least some processing effects normally explained through situation models may not in fact require explicit situation models.

James A. Michaelov, Benjamin K. Bergen · mit

Are the predictions of humans and language models affected by similar things? Research suggests that while comprehending language, humans make predictions about upcoming words, with more predictable words being processed more easily. However, evidence also shows that humans display a similar processing advantage for highly anomalous words when these words are semantically related to the preceding context or to the most probable continuation. Using stimuli from 3 psycholinguistic experiments, we find that this is also almost always also the case for 8 contemporary transformer language models (BERT, ALBERT, RoBERTa, XLM-R, GPT-2, GPT-Neo, GPT-J, and XGLM). We then discuss the implications of this phenomenon for our understanding of both human language comprehension and the predictions made by language models.

James A. Michaelov, Benjamin K. Bergen · mit

Some languages allow arguments to be omitted in certain contexts. Yet human language comprehenders reliably infer the intended referents of these zero pronouns, in part because they construct expectations about which referents are more likely. We ask whether Neural Language Models also extract the same expectations. We test whether 12 contemporary language models display expectations that reflect human behavior when exposed to sentences with zero pronouns from five behavioral experiments conducted in Italian by Carminati (2005). We find that three models - XGLM 2.9B, 4.5B, and 7.5B - capture the human behavior from all the experiments, with others successfully modeling some of the results. This result suggests that human expectations about coreference can be derived from exposure to language, and also indicates features of language models that allow them to better reflect human behavior.

James A. Michaelov, Catherine Arnett, Tyler A. Chang et al. · mit

Abstract grammatical knowledge - of parts of speech and grammatical patterns - is key to the capacity for linguistic generalization in humans. But how abstract is grammatical knowledge in large language models? In the human literature, compelling evidence for grammatical abstraction comes from structural priming. A sentence that shares the same grammatical structure as a preceding sentence is processed and produced more readily. Because confounds exist when using stimuli in a single language, evidence of abstraction is even more compelling from crosslingual structural priming, where use of a syntactic structure in one language primes an analogous structure in another language. We measure crosslingual structural priming in large language models, comparing model behavior to human experimental results from eight crosslingual experiments covering six languages, and four monolingual structural priming experiments in three non-English languages. We find evidence for abstract monolingual and crosslingual grammatical representations in the models that function similarly to those found in humans. These results demonstrate that grammatical representations in multilingual language models are not only similar across languages, but they can causally influence text produced in different languages.

James A. Michaelov, Catherine Arnett, Tyler A. Chang et al. · mit

How does the extent to which a model is open or closed impact the scientific inferences that can be drawn from research that involves it? In this paper, we analyze how restrictions on information about model construction and deployment threaten reliable inference. We argue that current closed models are generally ill-suited for scientific purposes, with some notable exceptions, and discuss ways in which the issues they present to reliable inference can be resolved or mitigated. We recommend that when models are used in research, potential threats to inference should be systematically identified along with the steps taken to mitigate them, and that specific justifications for model selection should be provided.

James A. Michaelov, Roger P. Levy · mit

Recent work has found that contemporary language models such as transformers can become so good at next-word prediction that the probabilities they calculate become worse for predicting reading time. In this paper, we propose that this can be explained by reading time being sensitive to simple n-gram statistics rather than the more complex statistics learned by state-of-the-art transformer language models. We demonstrate that the neural language models whose predictions are most correlated with n-gram probability are also those that calculate probabilities that are the most correlated with eye-tracking-based metrics of reading time on naturalistic text.

Sean Trott, Samuel Taylor, Cameron Jones et al. · mit

Research on mental state reasoning in language models (LMs) has the potential to inform theories of human social cognition--such as the theory that mental state reasoning emerges in part from language exposure--and our understanding of LMs themselves. Yet much published work on LMs relies on a relatively small sample of closed-source LMs, limiting our ability to rigorously test psychological theories and evaluate LM capacities. Here, we replicate and extend published work on the false belief task by assessing LM mental state reasoning behavior across 41 open-weight models (from distinct model families). We find sensitivity to implied knowledge states in 34% of the LMs tested; however, consistent with prior work, none fully ``explain away'' the effect in humans. Larger LMs show increased sensitivity and also exhibit higher psychometric predictive power. Finally, we use LM behavior to generate and test a novel hypothesis about human cognition: both humans and LMs show a bias towards attributing false beliefs when knowledge states are cued using a non-factive verb (``John thinks...'') than when cued indirectly (``John looks in the...''). Unlike the primary effect of knowledge states, where human sensitivity exceeds that of LMs, the magnitude of the human knowledge cue effect falls squarely within the distribution of LM effect sizes-suggesting that distributional statistics of language can in principle account for the latter but not the former in humans. These results demonstrate the value of using larger samples of open-weight LMs to test theories of human cognition and evaluate LM capacities.

Catherine Arnett, Tyler A. Chang, James A. Michaelov et al. · mit

Do multilingual language models share abstract grammatical representations across languages, and if so, when do these develop? Following Sinclair et al. (2022), we use structural priming to test for abstract grammatical representations with causal effects on model outputs. We extend the approach to a Dutch-English bilingual setting, and we evaluate a Dutch-English language model during pre-training. We find that crosslingual structural priming effects emerge early after exposure to the second language, with less than 1M tokens of data in that language. We discuss implications for data contamination, low-resource transfer, and how abstract grammatical representations emerge in multilingual models.

James A. Michaelov, Catherine Arnett, Benjamin K. Bergen · mit

Transformers have generally supplanted recurrent neural networks as the dominant architecture for both natural language processing tasks and for modelling the effect of predictability on online human language comprehension. However, two recently developed recurrent model architectures, RWKV and Mamba, appear to perform natural language tasks comparably to or better than transformers of equivalent scale. In this paper, we show that contemporary recurrent models are now also able to match - and in some cases, exceed - the performance of comparably sized transformers at modeling online human language comprehension. This suggests that transformer language models are not uniquely suited to this task, and opens up new directions for debates about the extent to which architectural features of language models make them better or worse models of human language comprehension.

Catherine Arnett, Tyler A. Chang, James A. Michaelov et al. · mit

Crosslingual transfer is crucial to contemporary language models' multilingual capabilities, but how it occurs is not well understood. We ask what happens to a monolingual language model when it begins to be trained on a second language. Specifically, we train small bilingual models for which we control the amount of data for each language and the order of language exposure. To find evidence of shared multilingual representations, we turn to structural priming, a method used to study grammatical representations in humans. We first replicate previous crosslingual structural priming results and find that after controlling for training data quantity and language exposure, there are asymmetrical effects across language pairs and directions. We argue that this asymmetry may shape hypotheses about human structural priming effects. We also find that structural priming effects are less robust for less similar language pairs, highlighting potential limitations of crosslingual transfer learning and shared representations for typologically diverse languages.

James A. Michaelov, Roger P. Levy, Benjamin K. Bergen · mit

We show that across architecture (Transformer vs. Mamba vs. RWKV), training dataset (OpenWebText vs. The Pile), and scale (14 million parameters to 12 billion parameters), autoregressive language models exhibit highly consistent patterns of change in their behavior over the course of pretraining. Based on our analysis of over 1,400 language model checkpoints on over 110,000 tokens of English, we find that up to 98% of the variance in language model behavior at the word level can be explained by three simple heuristics: the unigram probability (frequency) of a given word, the $n$-gram probability of the word, and the semantic similarity between the word and its context. Furthermore, we see consistent behavioral phases in all language models, with their predicted probabilities for words overfitting to those words' $n$-gram probabilities for increasing $n$ over the course of training. Taken together, these results suggest that learning in neural language models may follow a similar trajectory irrespective of model details.

James A. Michaelov, Catherine Arnett · mit

Language models generally produce grammatical text, but they are more likely to make errors in certain contexts. Drawing on paradigms from psycholinguistics, we carry out a fine-grained analysis of those errors in different syntactic contexts. We demonstrate that by disaggregating over the conditions of carefully constructed datasets and comparing model performance on each over the course of training, it is possible to better understand the intermediate stages of grammatical learning in language models. Specifically, we identify distinct phases of training where language model behavior aligns with specific heuristics such as word frequency and local context rather than generalized grammatical rules. We argue that taking this approach to analyzing language model behavior more generally can serve as a powerful tool for understanding the intermediate learning phases, overall training dynamics, and the specific generalizations learned by language models.

James A. Michaelov, Benjamin K. Bergen

Does inverse scaling only occur as a function of model size, or can it also occur over the course of training? We carry out an exploratory study investigating whether the performance of language models on specific tasks can decrease (while general performance remains high) during training on the language modeling task. We find 8 tasks on which Pythia 12B (Biderman et al., 2023) shows decreased performance over the course of training. Five of these tasks (TruthfulQA-MC1, TruthfulQA-MC2, Hindsight Neglect, Memo Trap, and Pattern Match Suppression) additionally show a consistent relationship whereby larger language models show a greater decrease in performance the more they are trained, despite showing standard (positive) scaling overall. This highlights the importance of testing performance at all relevant benchmarks any time models are trained on additional data, even if their overall performance improves

James A. Michaelov, Seana Coulson, Benjamin K. Bergen

More predictable words are easier to process - they are read faster and elicit smaller neural signals associated with processing difficulty, most notably, the N400 component of the event-related brain potential. Thus, it has been argued that prediction of upcoming words is a key component of language comprehension, and that studying the amplitude of the N400 is a valuable way to investigate the predictions we make. In this study, we investigate whether the linguistic predictions of computational language models or humans better reflect the way in which natural language stimuli modulate the amplitude of the N400. One important difference in the linguistic predictions of humans versus computational language models is that while language models base their predictions exclusively on the preceding linguistic context, humans may rely on other factors. We find that the predictions of three top-of-the-line contemporary language models - GPT-3, RoBERTa, and ALBERT - match the N400 more closely than human predictions. This suggests that the predictive processes underlying the N400 may be more sensitive to the surface-level statistics of language than previously thought.

James A. Michaelov, Megan D. Bardolph, Seana Coulson et al.

Despite being designed for performance rather than cognitive plausibility, transformer language models have been found to be better at predicting metrics used to assess human language comprehension than language models with other architectures, such as recurrent neural networks. Based on how well they predict the N400, a neural signal associated with processing difficulty, we propose and provide evidence for one possible explanation - their predictions are affected by the preceding context in a way analogous to the effect of semantic facilitation in humans.

James A. Michaelov, Benjamin K. Bergen

We investigate the extent to which word surprisal can be used to predict a neural measure of human language processing difficulty - the N400. To do this, we use recurrent neural networks to calculate the surprisal of stimuli from previously published neurolinguistic studies of the N400. We find that surprisal can predict N400 amplitude in a wide range of cases, and the cases where it cannot do so provide valuable insight into the neurocognitive processes underlying the response.