Timothy J. O’Donnell

Kushal Arora, Timothy J. O'Donnell, Doina Precup et al. · mila

State-of-the-art language generation models can degenerate when applied to open-ended generation problems such as text completion, story generation, or dialog modeling. This degeneration usually shows up in the form of incoherence, lack of vocabulary diversity, and self-repetition or copying from the context. In this paper, we postulate that ``human-like'' generations usually lie in a narrow and nearly flat entropy band, and violation of these entropy bounds correlates with degenerate behavior. Our experiments show that this stable narrow entropy zone exists across models, tasks, and domains and confirm the hypothesis that violations of this zone correlate with degeneration. We then use this insight to propose an entropy-aware decoding algorithm that respects these entropy bounds resulting in less degenerate, more contextual, and "human-like" language generation in open-ended text generation settings.

Tim Vieira, Ben LeBrun, Mario Giulianelli et al.

Modern language models are internally -- and mathematically -- distributions over $\it{token}$ strings rather than $\it{character}$ strings, posing numerous challenges for programmers building user applications on top of them. For example, if a prompt is specified as a character string, it must be tokenized before passing it to the token-level language model. Thus, the tokenizer and consequent processing are very sensitive to the specification of the prompt (e.g., whether the prompt ends with a space or not). This paper presents algorithms for converting token-level language models to character-level ones. We present both exact and approximate algorithms. In the empirical portion of the paper, we benchmark the practical runtime and approximation quality. Across four publicly available language models, we find that -- even with a small computation budget -- our method is able to accurately approximate the character-level distribution at reasonably fast speeds, and that a significant improvement in the language model's compression rate (bits/byte) is achieved.

Tim Vieira, Tianyu Liu, Clemente Pasti et al.

Modern language models represent probability distributions over character strings as distributions over (shorter) token strings derived via a deterministic tokenizer, such as byte-pair encoding. While this approach is highly effective at scaling up language models to large corpora, its current incarnations have a concerning property: the model assigns nonzero probability mass to an exponential number of $\it{noncanonical}$ token encodings of each character string -- these are token strings that decode to valid character strings but are impossible under the deterministic tokenizer (i.e., they will never be seen in any training corpus, no matter how large). This misallocation is both erroneous, as noncanonical strings never appear in training data, and wasteful, diverting probability mass away from plausible outputs. These are avoidable mistakes! In this work, we propose methods to enforce canonicality in token-level language models, ensuring that only canonical token strings are assigned positive probability. We present two approaches: (1) canonicality by conditioning, leveraging test-time inference strategies without additional training, and (2) canonicality by construction, a model parameterization that guarantees canonical outputs but requires training. We demonstrate that fixing canonicality mistakes improves the likelihood of held-out data for several models and corpora.

Taiga Someya, Anej Svete, Brian DuSell et al. · allen-ai, eth-zurich

Inductive biases are inherent in every machine learning system, shaping how models generalize from finite data. In the case of neural language models (LMs), debates persist as to whether these biases align with or diverge from human processing constraints. To address this issue, we propose a quantitative framework that allows for controlled investigations into the nature of these biases. Within our framework, we introduce $m$-local entropy$\unicode{x2013}$an information-theoretic measure derived from average lossy-context surprisal$\unicode{x2013}$that captures the local uncertainty of a language by quantifying how effectively the $m-1$ preceding symbols disambiguate the next symbol. In experiments on both perturbed natural language corpora and languages defined by probabilistic finite-state automata (PFSAs), we show that languages with higher $m$-local entropy are more difficult for Transformer and LSTM LMs to learn. These results suggest that neural LMs, much like humans, are highly sensitive to the local statistical structure of a language.

Takashi Morita, Timothy J. O'Donnell

Cross-linguistically, native words and loanwords follow different phonological rules. In English, for example, words of Germanic and Latinate origin exhibit different stress patterns, and a certain syntactic structure, double-object datives, is predominantly associated with Germanic verbs rather than Latinate verbs. As a cognitive model, however, such etymology-based generalizations face challenges in terms of learnability, since the historical origins of words are presumably inaccessible information for general language learners. In this study, we present computational evidence indicating that the Germanic-Latinate distinction in the English lexicon is learnable from the phonotactic information of individual words. Specifically, we performed an unsupervised clustering on corpus-extracted words, and the resulting word clusters largely aligned with the etymological distinction. The model-discovered clusters also recovered various linguistic generalizations documented in the previous literature regarding the corresponding etymological classes. Moreover, our findings also uncovered previously unrecognized features of the quasi-etymological clusters.

Eva Portelance, Siva Reddy, Timothy J. O'Donnell

Semantic and syntactic bootstrapping posit that children use their prior knowledge of one linguistic domain, say syntactic relations, to help later acquire another, such as the meanings of new words. Empirical results supporting both theories may tempt us to believe that these are different learning strategies, where one may precede the other. Here, we argue that they are instead both contingent on a more general learning strategy for language acquisition: joint learning. Using a series of neural visually-grounded grammar induction models, we demonstrate that both syntactic and semantic bootstrapping effects are strongest when syntax and semantics are learnt simultaneously. Joint learning results in better grammar induction, realistic lexical category learning, and better interpretations of novel sentence and verb meanings. Joint learning makes language acquisition easier for learners by mutually constraining the hypotheses spaces for both syntax and semantics. Studying the dynamics of joint inference over many input sources and modalities represents an important new direction for language modeling and learning research in both cognitive sciences and AI, as it may help us explain how language can be acquired in more constrained learning settings.

Emily Goodwin, Siva Reddy, Timothy J. O'Donnell et al.

Compositionality -- the ability to combine familiar units like words into novel phrases and sentences -- has been the focus of intense interest in artificial intelligence in recent years. To test compositional generalization in semantic parsing, Keysers et al. (2020) introduced Compositional Freebase Queries (CFQ). This dataset maximizes the similarity between the test and train distributions over primitive units, like words, while maximizing the compound divergence: the dissimilarity between test and train distributions over larger structures, like phrases. Dependency parsing, however, lacks a compositional generalization benchmark. In this work, we introduce a gold-standard set of dependency parses for CFQ, and use this to analyze the behavior of a state-of-the art dependency parser (Qi et al., 2020) on the CFQ dataset. We find that increasing compound divergence degrades dependency parsing performance, although not as dramatically as semantic parsing performance. Additionally, we find the performance of the dependency parser does not uniformly degrade relative to compound divergence, and the parser performs differently on different splits with the same compound divergence. We explore a number of hypotheses for what causes the non-uniform degradation in dependency parsing performance, and identify a number of syntactic structures that drive the dependency parser's lower performance on the most challenging splits.